
K, a man in his fifties, had sold vegetables from a young age. He had not gone far in school, but after leaving the army he worked as a laborer unloading vegetables at Yongsan Market, realized that hawking seasonings brought a better return than other vegetables, started a handcart trade, and once got the business onto its proper track. In his prime he had many regular restaurant customers, and, widening his ground as far as the area around the Yongsan ward office and the entrance to Wonhyo-ro, he had no difficulty supporting a family of five.
From the 1980s, however, new competitors appeared and his own ground began to be invaded, and from the mid-1980s he began to lose regular customers to new hawkers who loaded not only seasonings but vegetables and fruit onto a small vehicle, a Titan truck, and solicited with a loudspeaker and a recorder: “Fresh [such-and-such] from [such-and-such] farm is here.” In seasonings and vegetables he had more than ten years of experience and was more confident than anyone, and in fact much of what they sold was second-rate, poorer in freshness and quality than his own goods; but raising the capital to buy a Titan was hard, and learning to drive, getting a license, and learning to handle simple electrical products felt a burden, so he hesitated and lost his regular customers to them.
His chest felt tight and he grew angry, came to drink often, and found it hard to live even a day without drink, and so came to attend a hospital abstinence meeting. He had been brought to the hospital because, after heavy drinking, he often quarreled with people around him and acted violently, the police strongly recommended it, and his wife and family had him admitted by force. What is found in this man is that K was very sincere and diligent, but he lacked the ability to grasp quickly the fact that the distribution structure of a rapidly changing Korean society, and residents’ way of life, were becoming considerably Westernized.
Electronic products mixed with English were awkward machines for him, and he also could not prepare any plan for responding to the fact that residents’ eating habits were changing. Those figures and that mid-1980s turn are, without
K, a man in his fifties, had sold vegetables from a young age. He had not gone far in school, but after leaving the army he worked as a laborer unloading vegetables at Yongsan Market, realized that hawking seasonings brought a better return than other vegetables, started a handcart trade, and once got the business onto its proper track. In his prime he had many regular restaurant customers, and, widening his ground as far as the area around the Yongsan ward office and the entrance to Wonhyo-ro, he had no difficulty supporting a family of five. From the 1980s, however, new competitors appeared and his own ground began to be invaded, and from the mid-1980s he began to lose regular customers to new hawkers who loaded not only seasonings but vegetables and fruit onto a small vehicle, a Titan truck, and solicited with a loudspeaker and a recorder: “Fresh [such-and-such] from [such-and-such] farm is here.” In seasonings and vegetables he had more than ten years of experience and was more confident than anyone, and in fact much of what they sold was second-rate, poorer in freshness and quality than his own goods; but raising the capital to buy a Titan was hard, and learning to drive, getting a license, and learning to handle simple electrical products felt a burden, so he hesitated and lost his regular customers to them. His chest felt tight and he grew angry, came to drink often, and found it hard to live even a day without drink, and so came to attend a hospital abstinence meeting. He had been brought to the hospital because, after heavy drinking, he often quarreled with people around him and acted violently, the police strongly recommended it, and his wife and family had him admitted by force.
What is found in this man is that K was very sincere and diligent, but he lacked the ability to grasp quickly the fact that the distribution structure of a rapidly changing Korean society, and residents’ way of life, were becoming considerably Westernized. Electronic products mixed with English were awkward machines for him, and he also could not prepare any plan for responding to the fact that residents’ eating habits were changing. At first he sensed that he was being pushed back and felt confusion and anxiety; then, even when he explained that his goods were better, he was pushed back in the competition and lost regular customers one by one, and he felt a sense of defeat from the newly appeared hawkers, and something like a severe anger from the customers. Although he had not received much regular education, he had even done army life, and for a time he had secured many clients, so his relations with people and his skill in trade seem to have been fairly smooth. If, then, when he began vaguely to feel that people’s eating habits and their desires for food were changing, he had taken a posture of responding actively to that change, he might have avoided such a crisis. But this man, rather than digesting the situation rationally, received it emotionally: he found hateful and detestable the foolish consumers who would not believe his words even as much as the words of slipshod truck hawkers who exaggerated and sold low-quality goods poorer than his own. Above, the essay briefly looks at a case of a person who is not adapting well to a so-called new change. However much social change occurs violently, and however much our surroundings change, there will not in fact be many cases in which the surrounding environment changes as K experienced it. The width of change that faces a person who has leapt from an East Asian cultural sphere into a Western cultural sphere is hard even to measure. Language, of course, and customs of life and social norms become entirely different. Even the direction in which vehicles run, and the seasons, have become different. In the future there can be any number of still greater upheavals. But there are far more people who, even while living inside a change that has become different in this way, try to live holding fast to an old way of life or a standard of value. If they take such an attitude they experience a social-shock phenomenon, suffer difficulty, and cannot survive. The essay therefore looks at a definition of social change and seeks a way of coping in order to overcome the shock of social change. Those mid-1980s figures are, without
Social change is seen as change across society as a whole, including both a structural side and a normative side. Because there is a side that is hard to prescribe exactly, the essay tries to confirm the concept by looking at various theories. Roughly, they are sometimes explained by dividing them into evolutionary and cyclical views; evolution is again divided into unilinear and multilinear evolution, and a cycle likewise into a flat cycle and a spiral cycle. Among theories that explain the cause of social change there is a view that technological innovation is the driving force, and a view that ideas such as human consciousness and values are the driving force. There is also a view that society has a nature that tries to keep a balance, and that social change occurs in a process of recovering balance across the social structure in order to adapt to a shock inside or outside the system, and a conflict view that inner conflict in the system is the cause of social change. There is also a view that society develops in a process of repeating differentiation and integration. On the direction of social change, the most basic concepts of evolutionary theory — adaptation, progress, evolution, and directionality — become important in social change as well. A concept of progress or development, which regards social change as something positive, is used. Spencer compares society to a biological organism and focuses on the differentiation and integration of social structure. He sees as evolution a process of changing from an unclear, inconsistent homogeneity to a clear, consistent heterogeneity, and in detail divides a military type of society and an industrial type. Durkheim’s view is explained from an evolutionary standpoint that a society of mechanical solidarity gradually moves to a society of organic solidarity. Organic solidarity is a society in which, as population increases, a division of labor develops and each part must form a relation of mutual cooperation; a society bound by organic solidarity is characterized by diversity, heterogeneity, and mutual dependence, and a restorative law, not punishment, becomes an important means of control. Mechanical solidarity refers to a society before a division of labor develops, characterized by a strong collective consciousness; a single set of values is demanded, an individual’s behavior and attitude are uniform, and social control is carried out repressively mainly through criminal law. Comparing Spencer and Durkheim, Spencer held that if differentiation advances, integration can be achieved automatically, whereas Durkheim held that if pre-contractual elements such as values and norms are not in place, the integration of a society is difficult.
Marx’s dialectical theory of historical development did not see society as changing and developing in a straight line and gradually, but as changing and developing at a certain moment into a new type of society, and in that sense his theory is called a multistage theory of development, more specified than a mere evolutionary view. As the mode of production changes, the social system has also changed. Change in the base, the mode of production, which brings change in the social system as a superstructure, follows Hegel’s dialectical materialism. Labor is given importance in human action. The earliest productive forces and relations of production are in harmony and bring a continuing development of productive forces. But at a certain moment a contradiction occurs in which the existing relations of production put shackles on productive forces that try to increase further. The method of resolving this contradiction is the formation of new relations of production corresponding to the degree of the developed productive forces, and this soon brings a change in a new mode of production. This process is repeated, and society develops through stages. Next, cyclical theory holds that a society or a civilization, like an organism, repeats birth, growth, and decline, without a particular direction such as development or regression. By contrast, evolutionary theory grasps social change as a concept of development. Sorokin distinguished three sociocultural systems and explained a periodic cyclical process among them. He regarded a sensate type and an ideational type as two main cultural types, held a cyclical theory that history shows a period of oscillation going back and forth like a clock pendulum between these two opposed cultural types, and held that in this process of oscillation a synthesis of an idealistic culture is sometimes also achieved. He saw the source of change as inside the sociocultural system, and held a ‘principle of limits’ that any kind of truth, if developed too far, becomes a falsehood or is distorted. Pareto, in a theory of the circulation of elites, introduced the concepts of residues and derivations in order to explain a person’s non-logical action. Residues are comparatively permanent basic feelings that exist in human consciousness and are related to elite theory. Derivations are a mental element by which an individual plausibly rationalizes their own non-logical, unscientific belief system and the like. Spengler spoke of the decline of the West. Comparing civilization to a biological organism, he held that it cycles through five stages of birth, childhood, adolescence, maturity, old age, and death, and in that respect held that Western civilization had entered a stage of ruin — war, a conflict of values, a collapse of cohesion, and the like.
On the structural problem of a society, first, balance theory sees society as a balanced system and explains social change by analogy from the process by which a biological organism maintains itself. As a theory that formed the center of American sociology in the mid-century, Parsons’s homeostasis is mentioned. A biological organism has a tendency to return to its original state, and this is called homeostasis. A society is made of interdependent parts, and those parts contribute to keeping the order and stability of the whole. If a change arises in some part, a change that can absorb it occurs, reducing shock and tension, and the balance and stability of the system as a whole are recovered. Apart from processes that produce a structural balance of this kind, it is admitted that there are also processes that produce a structural change. It receives the criticism, for example, that it cannot explain a sudden, total social change such as a comprehensive social-change revolution in a developing country. Next, conflict theory holds that a society only appears to keep order because of the coercive force of those who have power over those who do not, so conflict is always present underneath, and it is essentially unstable. The cause of social change is therefore grasped as a ceaseless conflict between those who have power and those who do not. Marx finds the cause of conflict in an economic factor. Because there is a class that has the means of production and a class that does not, conflict arises between them. Contrary to Comte or Spencer, who emphasized the harmony of each part with the whole, he presupposes a tension and conflict of the parts that make up the whole. That is, a dynamic force that arises because the parts are in tension and conflict with one another — among them a contradiction and conflict of productive forces and relations of production — is seen as a factor of social development. Dahrendorf finds the cause of conflict in a political relation of authority. He names an organization of authority relations a ‘combination of command and obedience.’ It is also largely divided into people who give orders and people who carry out orders. They have opposed interests because of a difference in the distribution of authority, and when certain conditions are in place they gather as different interest groups. Once gathered as interest groups they enter a stage of conflict in order to keep or change their own position; then a vertical movement of authority relations, a change of place between a ruling layer and a ruled layer, a reform of norms, and the like arise as a change of social structure, and social change is achieved.
On the factors of social change, as a technological determinism, Marx holds that a change in relations of production brings a change in the base, and this brings a change in the superstructure, so that society changes and develops. Ogburn says that culture continues to change, but its contents do not all change together at an even speed; the empirical part of culture changes quickly, and a normative or value change changes slowly. A cultural phenomenon that appears when a difference arises in the speed and width of change is called cultural lag. That is, technology changes first, and afterward values and norms suited to that technology change, and they affect even a change in social institutions. As an idealism, Weber’s theory of the Protestant ethic tried to demonstrate that a cultural idea and belief had affected a change in the economic system. In The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism he holds that the religious belief of English Puritans was a cause of the rise of capitalism. Next, a social-psychological theory of change emphasizes the importance of individuals’ personalities in the effect of social change on economic development. There are Hagen’s theory of a creative personality and McClelland’s theory of an achievement-oriented personality. Hagen defines economic development as a continuing increase in income per person that comes from technical progress. This process is achieved by a ‘creative personality.’ He tried to demonstrate a hypothesis that people who have a ‘creative personality’ appear in a particular social context. On his claim, an authoritarian personality tends to hold fast to a traditional type of behavior, whereas a creative personality tries to pursue a new and better method. Yet for a creative personality to arise inside a traditional structure there must be a ‘withdrawal’ of ‘status respect,’ and this phenomenon puts pressure on an authoritarian personality, so that authoritarianism falls into defeatism. This consciousness of defeatism is conveyed to a child, and in the course of two or three generations a creative personality is raised. McClelland holds that an entrepreneurial spirit in which a need for achievement is purely high and widely spread achieves economic development. That is, “In general a society in which a high level of need for achievement is spread produces more energetic entrepreneurs, and they in turn create a more rapid economic development.” He concentrated on examining empirically a hypothesis that a particular culture cultivates a need for achievement in people. He tried to distinguish whether a society’s need for achievement was strong or weak by analyzing materials such as popular literary works, mass media, and fairy-tale books. As a result he confirmed that the higher a country’s degree of economic growth, the higher the need for achievement — left undated, without
On social change in this country and the development of technology, the essay looks only at social development after 1950, when the most rapid social change by the development of technology was experienced. The past fifty years, were a period of great domestic upheaval for Korean society. Historical events that show the change of Korean society occurred: liberation from Japan together with the end of the Second World War in 1945 and the division of South and North that soon followed, the establishment of a South Korean government in 1948, the war of 1950–53, the student revolution of 19 April 1960, the military coup of 16 May 1961, a second coup in 1980, and the launching of the Sixth Republic in 1988 after the democratic struggle of June 1987. If the change in Korea’s socioeconomic character over these fifty years is briefly gathered into a few points, first, it was transformed from a traditional society into a capitalist industrial society. Second, narrowing the range to an economic side, it changed from an agricultural country into an industrial country. Third, it rose from a low-income country to a middle-to-upper-income country. Fourth, it changed from a closed East Asian society into a Westernized East Asian society. Fifth, on a political side, it settled as a democratic country. The ideology that has dominated Korean society over the past fifty years, the essay also places, is growth-above-all, the method that realized it was industrialization, those fifty years were, in the history of economic development, a process of industrialization, and the main content and direction of industrialization was an increase in exports. Among the conditions gathered in the essay are also that natural resources were poor while human resources were abundant, that the scale of the domestic market was narrow, that domestic capital needed for economic development was insufficient, and that a comparatively efficient organization of economic management was in place. That fifty-year snapshot and that historical list are, without
A new change, the essay says, is something that no force can stop. Another group placed in the essay is American Indians — they themselves, the essay notes, claim the name Native American, and say that the word Indian is what Columbus, not knowing, called them, mistaking America for India. They refuse to live together in white society, refuse even the compulsory education or vocational education provided by the federal government, and, assigned a special area for their independent life, live following old traditions and ways of life inside that reserved area. In order to keep as they are the social customs of the early nineteenth century, when their ancestors lived on American land, they refuse the use of cars and telephones and even do not use electric light. The groups together chose a policy of extreme isolationism. An example of a still more extreme change, the essay also places, can be seen in the Second World War: the Nazi policy of exterminating Jews, and Japanese imperialism’s attempt even to eliminate the Korean people’s language and surnames. We should not, the essay says, neglect an effort to adapt. The same Korean report, at fuller length, is on CampusDown.
Last updated: 14 November 2026
K, a man in his fifties, sold vegetables from Yongsan Market with a handcart, and in his prime supported a family of five as far as the Yongsan ward office and the entrance to Wonhyo-ro. From the 1980s new competitors appeared, and from the mid-1980s hawkers with Titan trucks and loudspeakers began to take his regular customers. He hesitated over capital, a license, and simple electrical skills, drank, and was forcibly hospitalized. The turn is, without
It looks only at social development after 1950, when change by technology was most rapid. The past fifty years, were a period of great domestic upheaval: liberation in 1945, division, the government of 1948, the 1950–53 war, 19 April 1960, 16 May 1961, a second coup in 1980, the June 1987 struggle, and the Sixth Republic in 1988. That historical list and the fifty-year snapshot are, without
It divides views into evolution or cycle, balance or conflict, and technological innovation or spirit. Spencer, Durkheim, Marx, Sorokin, Pareto, and Spengler are placed on direction; Parsons’s homeostasis and Dahrendorf on structure; Marx, Ogburn’s cultural lag, Weber’s Protestant ethic, Hagen, and McClelland on causes. McClelland’s finding that countries with higher economic growth had a higher need for achievement is left undated.
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