
An administrative organization, the notes say, is a frame in which decisions for execution, and the supporting action that follows, are achieved. An organization is a collection of individuals, a social unit that reaches a purpose through the organic activity of members with roles. A government aims at socially meaningful public values, and a government organization stands in an interdependent relation with other units of society. It is treated as an organism that takes fitting measures when the outside environment changes, and keeps its system even when members change inside. In a large organization such as a state, individual work is brought to a standard, and relations are structured to raise stability; managers care how to structure people and jobs so that the purpose is reached. A structure dimension connects people and parts of work; a management dimension covers motivation, communication, conflict management, and change management. Conflict strategy, they write, is first to prevent latent conflict, second to resolve surface conflict, and third even to foster a fitting amount of conflict so that it can help performance. Change management is said to need the support of top policymakers and of the environment, communication, members’ participation, majority support, and negotiation. A government organization is special because it reflects a mix of compromised interests, including politicians’ intentions, pressure from the environment, benchmarking of advanced countries’ government organizations, and the path dependence of existing ones. Ministry reorganization is a political process carrying the president’s will, because ministries are the core bodies that carry out a president’s governing philosophy and national tasks. Reorganization may be full or partial; a full ministry-level change has a large effect on stakeholders, including the civil service, so it needs public support, and because it reflects the president’s philosophy it is done at the government’s launch. Modern administrative organizations, compared with older ones, are given six features: more diverse forms, a larger scale, more formal processing of work, a more complex structure that also asks for integration, increased responsibility and control, and a more humanized management. In February 2003 the Roh Moo-hyun government billed itself as a “Participatory Government.” After the 1998 IMF crisis, the public realm is said to have been tilted toward the market and toward conservative ideas, so a new goal of governing, “moderate innovation,” was proclaimed.
Roh sought to adjust new-public-management reforms that had spread under previous governments; new principles named are fairness and transparency, principle and trust, decentralization and autonomy, and dialogue and compromise. The purpose of administration is given as “a transparent government that does its work well,” set against earlier “small and efficient government.” Unlike before, Roh is said not to have aimed at a small government by cutting scale; instead an evaluation system, a senior civil-service corps, and an emphasis on performance were used to stress function and efficiency. Privatization under previous governments is understood as not having achieved qualitative reform, so competition with private firms through corporate innovation was emphasized; regulatory reform stressed quality rather than quantity alone. Personnel reform used job analysis and performance indicators from corporate practice; fiscal reform included a program budget system (PBS) and a performance-centered fiscal system. Reform also included means of widening participation and of distributing power among governments. Implementation by special committees or core ministries, a top-down style used by previous governments, is said to have been relatively relaxed; process and procedure were chosen over a focus on structure, with long-term performance in view. Overall, the notes say, Roh erased deliberately created staff cuts and agency shrinkage, while continuing to spread a new-public-management style of reforming government like a firm. The Lee Myung-bak government is then given four grounds, without a year in the unique body: intensified global competition, a shift toward a knowledge-based economy, low fertility and aging, and an environmental crisis that makes the state’s role more important. It sought a practical government that does the work well, rearranging organizations around functions for the people, and also stressed reviving the people’s livelihood economy by overcoming administrative regulation. A problem of Korean reorganization, they write, is the need to prevent political forces from doing what is not justified. That is joined to the aims of a career civil service: stability of office, blocking corruption, ethics, excellent talent, and merit-based personnel. A long-term task is how to combine the civil service’s adaptability — a concern that arose from fear of a closed officialdom — with stability and ethics. Those years stay in 1998 and February 2003 as the notes give them; later official audits are not invented. The shop title also names the National Assembly and the executive; unique sentences available here develop reorganization, not that relationship, and nothing on the Assembly is invented.
An administrative organization system, the notes say, is a frame in which decisions for execution, and the supporting action that follows, are achieved. An organization, as they define it, is a collection of individuals, a social unit that reaches a purpose through the organic activity of members who perform set roles, and who cooperate organically for that purpose. A government aims at the realization of socially meaningful public values, and a government organization also stands in an interdependent relation with other units that make up society. An organization is treated as having an organic vitality: outwardly it takes measures that fit changes in the environment; inwardly it keeps its system even when members change.
In a large organization such as a state, the work each person holds is brought into line with a standard, and those related tasks are given a structure so that work can be done with more stability. Managers, they write, care how to structure and manage the people who make up the organization, and the jobs they hold, so that the purpose is reached effectively. A structure dimension deals with connecting people and the parts of the work they hold; a management dimension deals with concrete managing activity for that purpose: motivation, communication, conflict management, and change management. Conflict strategy is first to prevent latent conflict, second to resolve surface conflict, and third even to foster conflict so that a fitting amount of it can help raise performance. Change management is said to need the support of top policymakers and of the environment, communication, members’ participation, majority support, and negotiation.
A government organization is special, they write, because it is the result of a mix of factors: a compromise of various interests, including politicians’ intentions, pressure from the environment, benchmarking of advanced countries’ government organizations, and the path dependence of existing organizations. How far and how large a reorganization goes varies; because ministries are the core bodies that carry out a president’s governing philosophy and national tasks, a ministry reorganization is a political process that carries the president’s will. Reorganization may be full or partial, according to its breadth. A full change at ministry level has a large effect on stakeholders, including the civil service, so it needs public support behind it, and because it reflects the president’s philosophy it is done at the same time as the government is launched. Modern administrative organizations, compared with older ones, are given six features: a diversification of organizational forms, an enlargement of scale, a formalization of the processing of administrative work, a growing complexity of structure that also asks for integration, an increase in responsibility and control, and a humanization of administrative management.
In February 2003, the notes record, the Roh Moo-hyun government billed itself as a “Participatory Government.” After the 1998 IMF foreign-exchange crisis, the public realm is said to have been tilted toward a market in which market ideas dominated, and toward conservative ideas; to move away from that, a new goal of governing, “moderate innovation,” was proclaimed. Those years stay in February 2003 and 1998 as the notes give them.
Roh, they write, sought to adjust new-public-management administrative reforms that had spread through the public realm under several previous governments. That turn is said to show clearly in newly offered principles of governing: fairness and transparency, principle and trust, decentralization and autonomy, and dialogue and compromise. The purpose of Roh’s administration is given as “a transparent government that does its work well,” set apart from the “small and efficient government” of several earlier governments. In reorganization, unlike before, a small government aimed at cutting scale was not in view. Instead an evaluation system was used, a senior civil-service corps was formed, and an emphasis on performance, among other steps, put the stress on the organization’s functions and efficiency.
Privatization carried out under previous governments is understood as not having achieved qualitative reform, so competition with private firms through corporate innovation was treated as important. Regulatory reform, too, was done with quality at the center, not a mere adjustment of quantity. In personnel reform, techniques of personnel management used in firms were applied, such as analyzing jobs and developing performance indicators to match; in fiscal reform a program budget system (PBS) was introduced, and a performance-centered fiscal system was to be made. Besides reforms meant to raise performance or improve management, the agenda also included developing means of widening participation, and even the problem of distributing power among governments inside the government organization. In personnel reform, that meant dividing the authority to appoint and raising the autonomy of lower-level agencies; in fiscal reform, work to match the capacities of the center and of local government, moving resources, and gradually increasing autonomy and participation in fiscal management. Overall, Roh’s administrative reform is said to have erased a small government of deliberately created staff cuts and agency shrinkage, while continuing to spread a new-public-management style of reforming government like a firm. In implementation, a top-down strategy led by the central government through special committees or core ministries, used by previous governments, was relatively relaxed. Reform that crowded itself into process and procedure was chosen over reform that put the stress on structure, and long-term performance was the aim.
Under the Lee Myung-bak government, the notes say, worldwide social-structural change, such as knowledge informatization as the world became one, made a large reform of national administrative organization necessary. No year is attached to that government in the unique body, and none is invented here. Its reform of national administrative organization is given four grounds: first, a deepening of competition as globalization widened around the world; second, a change in the socio-economic structure toward an economy whose source is knowledge, with knowledge as the base of economic growth; third, a change in population and social structure from a general problem of low fertility and from aging; fourth, a growing importance of the state’s role in answering an environmental crisis that had become a worldwide problem.
The Lee Myung-bak government, they write, newly divided administrative organizations around functions for the people who make up the state, so as to answer dynamically a desire to bring the people together, and also put stress on a reform that would revive the people’s livelihood economy by overcoming administrative regulation. The intention is said to have been to make a practical government that does the work well, by rearranging the functions of administrative organization, and so to deal dynamically with the environment of the time.
A problem of our administrative reorganization, the notes add, is that political forces must be prevented in advance from doing what is not justified. That is joined to the aims of a career civil service: to have stability in administrative office, to block civil servants’ corrupt practices and to have an ethic of office, to have excellent talent, and to raise the quality of the official human resource through personnel management according to results. A long-term task that comes into view, they write, is how to combine, in a fitting way, the officialdom’s ability to respond — a concern that arose from fear of a closed officialdom — with the stability and the ethics of office. Those claims stay as the notes give them, not as a later official audit. The shop title also names the relation of the National Assembly and the executive; unique sentences available here develop reorganization, not that relationship, and nothing on the Assembly is invented. The same Korean report, at fuller length, is on CampusDown.
Last updated: 14 November 2026
Compared with older ones, they are said to show more diverse forms, a larger scale, more formal processing of work, a more complex structure that also asks for integration, increased responsibility and control, and a more humanized management. Ministry reorganization is treated as a political process carrying the president’s will, done at a government’s launch when it is a full change, because it needs public support.
After the 1998 IMF crisis, the public realm is said to have been tilted toward the market; a goal of “moderate innovation” was proclaimed. The purpose is given as “a transparent government that does its work well.” Roh is said not to have aimed at cutting scale; instead evaluation, a senior civil-service corps, and performance were stressed. Personnel and fiscal reform used corporate-style tools, including a program budget system, and top-down implementation was relatively relaxed. Those years stay in 1998 and 2003.
Four grounds are named, without a year in the unique body: intensified global competition, a shift toward a knowledge-based economy, low fertility and aging, and an environmental crisis. A problem of Korean reorganization is the need to prevent political forces from doing what is not justified, joined to career-civil-service aims of stability, ethics, and merit. No later official audit is invented.
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