
The essay is written from inside the first shock of COVID-19, not from a later official tally. After March, the writer says, the virus spread worldwide, and its effect on the world economy and on social and cultural life was of a size not seen before. Past pandemics already taught how uncertain such a course can be: the Asian flu of 1957 and the Hong Kong flu of 1968, as the page uses those cases, could run sporadically and locally from beginning to end for a year or even two. With stronger global access, faster information, and a more urban life, the writer judges that the shock to the world economy now travels faster than it did then. Measures to hold the virus back — a holding back of going out, among them — struck supply and demand, and the real economy as a whole; the exchange of people shrank, markets shrank, and a shortage of hands appeared at the same time as the economy tightened.
Face-to-face work grew harder, social distancing spread, and “untact” habits and new firms built on working from home appeared. A penalty for not wearing a mask, the writer says, came to feel ordinary; the distance itself seemed to settle into daily life. Caution of that kind can be read as care. The fear on the page is that, if the same habit hardens, a self-centred antisociality may stand out, and may later weigh on decision-making and on the direction of a society. Those figures and that “after March” are left in the essay’s window, not recast as 2026 official totals.
The essay is written from inside the first shock of COVID-19, not from a later official tally. After March, the writer says, the virus spread worldwide, and its effect on the world economy and on social and cultural life was of a size not seen before. Even past epidemics of a similar kind, the page says, had a course so uncertain that an unpredictable blow to the world economy was already to be expected.
The Asian flu of 1957 and the Hong Kong flu of 1968 are the cases used. An international infection of that kind, as the essay reads them, could run, from beginning to end, sporadically and locally, for a year or even two. With stronger global access, faster information, and a more urban life, the writer judges that the shock to the world economy now travels faster than it did then. Those comparisons, and that “after March,” are left in the essay’s window, not recast as 2026 official totals.
Each country’s own spread, and the measures taken to hold it back — a holding back of going out, among them — struck supply and demand, the writer says, and told on the real economy as a whole. The exchange of people shrank; the scale of markets shrank; and a shortage of hands appeared at the same time as the economy tightened.
Face-to-face work grew harder, and social distancing spread. “Untact” habits appeared, and so did new firms built on working from home. The description is of a first period, not of a later official series for output or employment.
A penalty for not wearing a mask, the writer says, came to feel like the ordinary form of a rule, and no one found that strange. The distance that had come in from a social gap seemed to settle into daily life. If, earlier, the page had spoken of what a group can give, it now turns to a different risk: that a person’s bent may leave the sense of a society, a group, or a life together, and turn only toward the individual, in an antisocial attitude.
The same behaviour can still be read, more kindly, as care, as a positive wish to be careful. The fear is that, if the habit hardens and becomes extreme, a self-centred antisociality may stand out. Individualism, the writer adds, has its own strengths, as a group has its strengths. An antisocial habit, though, may later weigh on decision-making and on the direction of a society, and so is a phenomenon to watch with care. A sociometric way of measuring whether feeling and relation among members are exchanged, or are not, is named in passing. The same Korean report, at fuller length, is on CampusDown.
Last updated: 14 November 2026
The Asian flu of 1957 and the Hong Kong flu of 1968. As the page uses those cases, an international infection of that kind could run, from beginning to end, sporadically and locally, for a year or even two. The writer takes from them how uncertain the course of such an event already was, and how hard a blow it could deal to a world economy, and then judges that, with stronger global access, faster information, and a more urban life, the shock now travels faster than it did then. Those comparisons are left with the essay.
After March, as the virus spread worldwide, measures to hold it back — a holding back of going out, among them — struck supply and demand, and the real economy as a whole. The exchange of people shrank, the scale of markets shrank, and a shortage of hands appeared at the same time as the economy tightened. Face-to-face work grew harder, social distancing spread, and “untact” habits and new firms built on working from home appeared. The essay does not give a later official total for output or employment; the description is left in that early window.
A penalty for not wearing a mask, the page says, came to feel ordinary, and the social distance itself seemed to settle into daily life. No one, the writer says, found that strange. Caution of that kind can be read as care, as a positive wish to be careful. The fear is that, if the same habit hardens and becomes extreme, a self-centred antisociality may stand out: an attitude that leaves the sense of a society, a group, or a life together, and turns only toward the individual. Individualism, the writer adds, has its own strengths, as a group has its strengths; but an antisocial habit may later weigh on decision-making and on the direction of a society, and so is a phenomenon to watch with care. A sociometric way of measuring feeling and relation among members is named, without being filled as a study of its own.
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